Thursday, June 1, 2017

Van Gogh's Irises: How much is a painting worth?










Presented to the Club by David T. Noyes in December 1988





I would like to ask you to think about the items on the
following list. Can you identify what they have in common?





  1. Two
    F-16 fighter jets

  2. The
    Town of West Stockbridge, Mass.

  3. 3,448
    Williams College students

  4. the
    largest private estate in the United States — the 250 room Biltmore House
    on 12,000 acres in Ashville, N.C.

  5. The
    City of Pittsfield

  6. The
    entire world’s mining production of mercury for one year






We’ll come back to this list in a moment.





A little over a year ago, on November 11, 1987, the art
auction house of Sotheby’s in New York City auctioned a painting depicting a
garden of blue irises painted in 1889 by Vincent Van Gogh. It was lot number
twenty-five in a ninety-four piece evening. A crowd of 2,300 people had
gathered in the cramped bidding room with intense anticipation; and at 7:55
p.m., Irises was brought on stage. The bidding started at fifteen million
dollars. At thirty million, only two bidders remained. The price then passed
forty million, the previous highest price paid for any painting. The bidding
finally concluded at forty-nine million dollars. The total elapsed time: three
minutes, thirty seconds!  Including the
ten percent buyer’s commission, the total price came to fifty-three million
dollars, or in real money — eight billion yen!



 Now, let’s get back to the list. That same fifty-four
million dollars could buy or support any one of those items. That is: the two
fighter planes; the appraised value of all the property for the town of West
Stockbridge; room, board and tuition for 3,448 Williams College students; the
Biltmore House; the municipal budget for the City of Pittsfield for one year;
or one year’s supply of mercury.








How did the painting come to be available? It was owned by
John Whitney Payson, who inherited it from his mother, Joan Payson. Mrs.
Payson, perhaps best known as the owner of the New York Mets, had purchased
Irises in 1947 for $84,000 — not a small sum in those days — and kept it in a
treasured place above the fireplace mantel in her New York apartment. When she
died in 1975, John Payson made it the centerpiece of the Joan Whitney Payson
Gallery of Art at Westbrook College in Maine. The appraised value at that time
was less than one million dollars. But, as the cost of insurance soared, he
felt he had less ability to support the college and other charities. In
addition, the change in the tax laws permitted only a deduction for the
original cost of the charitably donated property. Thus, he decided to sell
rather that donate the painting to Westbrook.





Not everyone was happy with the decision. Art critic Edgar
Beem had called Irises “the only world class painting in the entire state of
Maine.” He went on to say, “the rich are the custodians of culture, and we get
what they give us. I’m not sure how to change that, but they are not to be
applauded." Beem suggests that Payson’s choice to liquidate an asset already
provisionally installed in the public domain, represents a significant loss to
the public and is not recoverable. In fact, of the four Van Gogh paintings sold
at action last year, only one is currently accessible.





To prepare for the sale, Irises was exhibited in Tokyo, New
York, London, Geneva, and Zurich. The painting travelled seventeen thousand five
hundred miles in four weeks at an estimated cost of five hundred thousand
dollars. Advertising was used extensively. John Rewald, the reigning scholar on
Impressionism, was quoted as saying, “If a museum could have one painting by
Van Gogh, Irises is what it should get.” He described the coloration as “an
incredible tour de force”.





None of the experts was prepared for what happened that
evening. David Nash, Sotheby’s director of fine arts, expected Irises to bring
between twenty and forty million. He felt it was superior because of its unique
composition rather that being one of a series of canvasses. Philippe de
Montebello, the director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, said: “I feel like
a fossil awakened in another era. The commission alone exceeds the Metropolitan’s
total art purchase funds. I feel so removed from the phenomenon, I can only
watch in amazement”.





The financial precedent had been set by the sale of three
Van Gogh paintings during the previous nine months. Portrait of Adeline Ravoux
sold for thirteen and three quarters million dollars; The Bridge at
Trinquetaille for twenty million; and the previous record holder, Sunflowers,
for thirty nine million, nine hundred thousand dollars. The price for the Sunflowers
painting, also completed in 1889, had been felt to be an aberration. It was one
of a series of seven Sunflower paintings and this particular one was not in
good condition. Its yellows had lost much of their original intensity. However,
Yasuda Fire and Marine Insurance Co., the eventual high bidder for Sunflowers,
had a special interest in purchasing the painting. Van Gogh had considered
Japan the site of Utopian culture and had admired Japanese wood-block prints. Furthermore,
Sunflowers had been painted in the same year that Yasuda was founded. Perhaps
they were trying to restore a sense of national heritage, since another
Sunflowers painting had been destroyed by the bombing of Yokohama during World
War II. The sale of Irises, however, proved the price to be no fluke.





Why do we have such fascination with Van Gogh? He was born
in Holland, the son of a minister. At age sixteen, he began working for his
uncle, who was an art dealer in Hague. Shortly after his transfer to the firm’s
London office at the age of twenty, he was fired. Two years later, he entered
missionary school but was expelled for sassing a teacher. At the age of
twenty-seven, he took up painting and began by depicting coal miners and
peasants in his native Holland. Vincent moved to Paris to live with his brother
Theo at the age of thirty-three in 1886. He frequented Julien-Francois Tanguy’s
paint shop, which had become a meeting place for a whole generation of young
artists. Van Gogh then moved to Arles in the south of France with the hope of
starting an artist’s colony. This dream was destroyed when, in 1888, Gauguin
left after only two months. They were both fiercely competitive men who drank,
whored, and argued. The final straw for Gauguin apparently occurred on
Christmas Eve, 1888, when Van Gogh cut off part of his left ear.





It was after this episode that Van Gogh was hospitalized off
and on. The final fifteen months of his life were the only ones spent in
asylums. First, in Saint-Remy, which still exists as a private mental hospital
and where descendants of these Irises still thrive! Finally, in Auvers-sur-Oise
where, on a beautiful summer day, he walked out into a wheat field, set his
easel against a haystack, and proceeded to shoot himself in the side. As you
might guess from his lifetime of failures, he missed any vital organ. He
dragged himself back to his attic room and lingered in pain for two days before
dying at the age of thirty-seven. He had sold only one of his paintings, and
that for a small sum which he immediately gave to a streetwalker for a meal. All
his support, even the money to buy his paints, had come from his brother, Theo.
Fortunately for posterity, Theo’s wife kept all Vincent’s letters (some twelve
hundred pages), paintings, and drawings.





Forget the notion that Van Gogh’s paintings were “mad.” Whatever
his illness may have been — and epilepsy seems to be the most probable, whether
exacerbated by absinthe, glaucoma, digitalis poisoning, or syphilis — the fact is
that it did not directly affect his work. A typical series of attacks lasted
from two weeks to a month. It must be emphasized that between these attacks he
had long periods of absolute lucidity where he was complete master of himself
and his art. He categorized his work describing handling, color, and design;
this allows us to understand his intentions more clearly that those of any
other impressionist.





It is generally acknowledged that Van Gogh changed the face
of art. Unlike impressionists who painted pretty pictures in delicate colors
with fine brush strokes, Van Gogh used violent strokes to lay on thick layers of
intense color. Quoting from one of his letters: “I am always in the hope of
making a discovery then, to express the love of two lovers by a wedding of two
complementary colors, their mingling and their opposition, the mysterious
vibrations of kindred tones. To express thought of a brow by the radiance of a
light tone against a somber background. To express hope by some star, the
eagerness of a soul by a sunset radiance.”





Monet once remarked: “How did a man who loved flowers and
light to such an extent and rendered them so well, how then did he still manage
to be so unhappy?” Picasso once wrote: “Why do the Dutch mourn Rembrandt, they
have Van Gogh?”





What, then, of the Van Gogh legend? His lack of success in
his own day, his high minded principles about art exhibitions and sales in the
face of today’s embarrassment of riches, his sympathy for the poor and working
class — these go largely unmentioned. What does surface is a fascination with
sensational prices and with the art market as theatre. The pictures are
eclipsed not by the terms of the Van Gogh legend but by the behaviors they inspire
in the international works of private fortune. Consider these comments Vincent
wrote to his brother Theo in June 1890, just one month before he died. “I think
that all the talk of high prices paid for Millets, etc., lately has made the
chances of merely getting back one’s painting expenses even worse. It is enough
to make you dizzy. So, why think about it? — it would only daze our minds. Better,
perhaps, to seek a little friendship and live from day to day.”





Epilogue [from Wikipedia]: About three years after the 1987 sale, Irises was sold for $53.9 million to Australian businessman Alan Bond, but Bond did not have enough money to pay for it. Irises was later re-sold in 1990 to the J. Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles, where it remains. Irises is currently (as of 2012) tenth on the inflation-adjusted list of most expensive paintings ever sold and in 25th place if the effects of inflation are ignored.


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Tuesday, March 14, 2017

John Haines "Jack" Spencer Jr., 1936-2017



By Derek Gentile, The Berkshire Eagle



STOCKBRIDGE — John H. Spencer Jr. was a longtime public servant in his adopted town of Stockbridge, but his greatest impact came as an educator and mentor to hundreds of students over the years, friends and colleagues said on Tuesday.



"He literally hired the first history department at Monument Mountain Regional High school," said his fellow teacher and longtime friend John A. Beacco Jr. "He led in developing a unique ninth-grade course. As a department head, he mentored me, Roselle Chartock, Terry Flynn and Bill Fields, as well as many others."



Spencer died early Sunday at age 80.



He was the longtime chairman of the Stockbridge Planning Board, as well as the Zoning Board of Appeals. He was also the longtime president and member of the board of trustees for the Stockbridge Library Association.





He was one of the founders of the Fund For Excellence at the Berkshire Hills Regional School District, and was also a member of Student Center Inc., which supported student activities at Monument.



Beacco said he and Spencer had "almost parallel careers. We graduated from Amherst six years apart, both taught at the former Williams High school and at Monument Mountain and both worked in the history department."



He called Spencer a "superb" high school teacher.



There was no one better at asking questions and leading students to decide for themselves, he said.



"Rote," Beacco said, "was not rewarded and humor was encouraged."



Terry Flynn echoed those sentiments.



"He was very much into helping kids find their own path," he said. "His life's work was to affirm people."



Spencer was very much invested in his students — even after they graduated.



"He kept tabs on them long after they left Monument," Flynn said. "He would hear of one of his students doing something, say, giving a violin concert somewhere, and he'd call me and say, 'Do you want to come with me and see this?' He was very supportive of all his students."



"He invested much time and energy in every student he taught," agreed a former student, Patricia Vincent. "He was a wonderful teacher who made every student think and challenge previously unquestioned notions."



Spencer headed the creation of a program about the Holocaust that was, Flynn said, one of the first in the country.



He was, said fellow Planner Gary Pitney, equally as facile in town politics.



"I remember when I was named chairman of the Planning Board," Pitney said. "I stopped by his house and just talked with him for hours. He was such a great source of information."



"Jack was such a big part of our town," said former Town Clerk and Town Administrator Jorja-Ann P. Marsden. "He was involved in so many facets of the town. And he was a wonderful man."



"He had a way of listening to a variety of ideas and collating them into one thought," Pitney said. "And then making it all make sense."



"When he was on the Planning Board, he wrote most of the town's zoning bylaws and master plan," Beacco said.



Beacco recalled that he often met with Spencer when both were chairmen of their respective boards; Beacco on the Select Board, Spencer on the Planning Board.



"We wanted to make sure we knew what each other was thinking," Beacco said. "I respected his opinions."



Interestingly, Beacco saod, both men were opposed to the move of the Norman Rockwell Museum from Main Street to its present site in Glendale.



"But," he said, "we both agreed that the move worked out."



Spencer was born in Adams in 1936, near the apex of the town's emergence as a regional high school basketball power. He had an encyclopedic knowledge of the players and teems of that era.



"Adams was near and dear to his heart," said his daughter, Ann Marie Miller. "He was very fond of Adams until the day he died."



Spencer met his wife, the former Judith Leahy, while both were teaching at Williams.High School in Stockbridge. In 1965, they married.



Judith Spencer, who died in 2011, was herself an activist and an accomplished teacher. They were husband and wife, best friends, and partners in civic service for more than 50 years.

____________________



Family obituary:



On Sunday, February 19, 2017, John Haines Spencer, Jr. passed away. And the world will never be the same.



Born September 15, 1936 to John Haines Spencer and Pauline Simmons Spencer, Jack was raised in Adams, Massachusetts. After graduating from Williston Prep School and Amherst College, he received a Masters in Education from Purdue University. While teaching at Williams High School in Stockbridge, he had the good fortune to meet and fall in love with Social Studies teacher Judith Leahey. On February 20, 1965, he had the good sense to marry her and continue a love affair that spanned more than fifty years.



Mr. Spencer was an educator for 47 years. He taught Social Studies at Williams High School and Monument Mountain Regional High School and was Principal of Searles Middle School. He encouraged students to be conscious seekers and doers, to be disturbers of the universe. He was chair of the Monument Social Studies department from its inception in 1967. The department created the first Holocaust curriculum for high school students in the country. Jack and Roselle Chartock coedited the anthology that came out of that curriculum.



Jack had a love of Stockbridge and its citizens, community activism and participation in government. He served on numerous committees and boards, including the Stockbridge Planning Board (chairman) and Zone of Appeals, The Stockbridge Library (president and member of the Board of Trustees), The Fund for Excellence and School Center, Inc. He was instrumental in writing the zoning bylaws for Stockbridge.



Jack is survived by daughters Ann Marie (Scott) Miller, Kathy (Fred) Erickson, sisters Judy Burbank and Cyndie Spencer (Denny Lund), Pat and Buz Hanley, Mike and Sally Leahey, Fred Wigge an exchange student who became part of the family, grandchildren Eric, Kristen and Amanda Miller and Emily Erickson, many close cousins, nieces and nephews and grand nieces and nephews, the lucky 13 and generations of well-educated students, an astounding number of loving friends and a grateful community.



He is predeceased by his parents Haines, Pauline and Louise Spencer, his wonderful wife Judy, and his step-mother Pat Swann.





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The Most Interesting American: What turned a Theodore Roosevelt skeptic into a fan





Presented to the Club by Roger Linscott in 1959.



“The most interesting American” is a phrase which Julian Street employed shortly after the turn of this [20th] century to describe President Theodore Roosevelt. It was a description that echoed the sentiments of the vast majority of Americans of the day — but perhaps it is not the most apt title I could have selected for tonight’s paper. Perhaps I should have entitled it “The Conversion of a Skeptic.” The skeptic in this case is — or rather was — myself.



The year 1958 was, as most of you know, the centennial of Theodore Roosevelt’s birth. Early in the year I was commissioned to do the bulk of the research for a new and as yet unpublished life and times of Roosevelt* — an assignment I undertook, quite frankly, for the money rather than out of any great enthusiasm for the subject. I had, when I started, what might be termed the intellectually fashionable viewpoint toward TR — in sum, a highly critical viewpoint, conditioned by a cynical age in which many of the values that he represented have lost their luster. My picture of him was an unflattering caricature — the caricature of a self-righteous and opinionated political adolescent — a somewhat bogus reformer who made loud noises but produced few tangible results — a bumptious swaggerer who conducted diplomacy with a big stick and disobeyed his own injunctions to walk softly while doing so — a jingo who had an almost psychopathic preoccupation with physical courage and with the glories of the battlefield. It was the comic opera caricature of the rather stout and bespectacled Teddy, sword in hand and medals in mind, rushing recklessly up San Juan Hill at the head of his unmounted Rough Riders.





From this skeptical starting point I immersed myself in the life and times of Theodore Roosevelt. Over a period of four months I spent eight hours a day with him and often more. I read perhaps 40 to 50 books by and about him (without, I might add, covering the bibliography very thoroughly). In a very small way — and within the limitations imposed by essentially secondary sources — I became, I suppose, something of an authority on Roosevelt. And in the process, I became —slowly, reservedly, begrudgingly, but indubitably — an admirer or Roosevelt as well.



This statement needs a little qualification. In the course of becoming a convert to the cause of Teddy, I nonetheless found that my initial skepticism was not wholly unfounded. He was a swaggerer upon occasion. He was a reformer who often talked a better battle than he fought. He was at times a bully in foreign policy — most notably, of course, when he responded to Latin-American high-handedness with even greater high-handedness by virtually seizing the Isthmus of Panama from a defenseless Columbian government in order to build his cherished canal. He was a man of violent prejudices, whose almost unlimited capacity for self-righteousness often led him into savage and unfair attacks upon those with whom he differed. He was almost childlike in his life-long love for military adventure and battlefield derring-do.



He was all of these things, but he was much, much more besides. And even his faults have a way of canceling themselves out when his life is viewed as a whole and the final accounts are cast. The TR who shouted for blood in the Spanish-American War and brandished the big stick in Panama was nevertheless the same TR who negotiated an end to the Russo-Japanese War almost single-hand and became the first American ever to win a Nobel Prize for peace.  The TR whose bark was so often much worse than his bite when it came to dealing with the depredations of the Wall Street speculators and the robber barons of industry was nevertheless the same TR who performed the enormous service of making social reform respectable by wresting its banners from the relatively incompetent and irresponsible hands of William Jennings Bryan and the Populists. And the TR who endlessly preached the virtues of intense nationalism and the manly glories of the battlefield was the same TR who (in contrast to many another super-patriot) at least had the consistency to translate his preachings into heroic practice on the firing line when the opportunity presented itself.



But to me, as to more thorough students of Theodore Roosevelt’s life and works, the truly awesome thing about him — the quality that seems far more striking than his achievements as statesman and soldier — was his incredible combination of physical energy and intellectual versatility. It is on this aspect of the man, not his politics, that I want to focus tonight. Roosevelt’s public policies shaped our national development and projected us into a new role in world affairs; yet they were only one measure of a personality that was unique in its time and, indeed, in American history. No president, Jefferson included, rivaled TR’s diversity of interests; and none made a deeper impress on the outlook and opinions of his contemporaries. “Roosevelt, more than any other man living within the range of notoriety,” wrote Henry Adams, “showed the singular primitive quality that belongs to ultimate matter — the quality that medieval theology assigned to God — he was pure act.”



He was “pure act” not only in politics but in a score of other fields as well. To a public conditioned by relatively colorless presidents like McKinley, who preceded him, Roosevelt seemed to have opinions on every subject under the sun and an extraordinary flair for expressing them forcefully. As one national magazine summed it up midway through his presidency: “The scrapes he gets into, the scrapes he gets out of; the things he attempts, the things he accomplishes; his appointments and his disappointments; the rebukes that he administers and those he receives; his assumptions, presumptions, omnisciences and deficiencies, make up a daily tale which those of us who survive his tenure of the presidential office will miss as we might miss some property of the atmosphere we breathe.” Visitors to the White House or at Sagamore Hill, the Roosevelt “summer White House” on Long Island, marveled at the man’s zest for life and at the fluency with which he seemed able to discuss almost any subject under the sun. John Morley, the British historian who made a pilgrimage to the White House in 1904, expressed a typical foreign reaction when he remarked: “The two things in America which seem to me the most extraordinary are Niagara Falls and President Roosevelt.” Viscount Lee [Arthur Hamilton Lee, 1st Viscount Lee of Fareham, British military attaché with the United States Army in Cuba during the Spanish–American War], another British visitor, remarked that “whether the subject of the moment was political economy, the Greek drama, tropical flora and fauna, the Irish sagas, protective coloration in nature, metaphysics, the technique of football, or post-futurist painting, Roosevelt was equally at home with the experts and drew out the best that was in them.” Rudyard Kipling, a frequent White House visitor, recalled evenings in which Roosevelt talked while “I sat curled up in the seat opposite, and listened and wondered until the universe seemed to be spinning round and Theodore was the spinner.”



There was almost literally no field or knowledge outside of Roosevelt’s ken. While still an undergraduate at Harvard he had written the bulk of his naval history of the War of 1812, which is still a useful reference work. During his lifetime, he published some two dozen books on a wide variety of subject ranging from ornithological tracts to biographies of Cromwell and Thomas Hart Benton, from accounts of his hunting trips in the Rockies and in Africa to his magnum opus, The Winning of the West, a panoramic history of the American frontier. He was a prolific contributor to periodicals of all sorts, even during his busy years in the White House, and he made a practice of reading at least five books a week throughout his life. His famous “Pigskin Library” of special favorites ranging from the Greek dramatists and Gibbons to French poetry and the nineteenth century Russian novelists went with him into the wilds of Africa and the jungles of the Amazon.



And the extraordinary thing about this was that his knowledge was not only broad but deep. He was an authority of real standing not only on this history of the American frontier but on the history of Central Europe as well. He was generally conceded to be the world’s Number 1 authority on the big game animals of North America, as well as on several species of American songbirds. Although he disparaged his linguistic abilities, he was able to speak and read in French, German and Italian with competence. And he was not only a devoted reader of poetry but a patron of it as well. Probably the only time in his career that he flaunted the principles of civil service was when he insisted upon giving Edward Arlington Robinson, then an unknown and utterly impoverished young poet, a $2,000-a-year post in the Treasury Department with specific instructions that “I expect you to think poetry first and Treasury second.”



This restlessness of intellect imparted a remarkable test to American life during Roosevelt’s years in the White House. He not only read books and periodicals omnivorously but commented upon them publicly and freely. Writers who spoke critically of him were likely to receive long letters of rebuttal from the President himself; authors whose work struck his fancy often as not were invited to the White House to discuss their ideas further. Artists, sculptors, scientists, and scholars joined the politicians and ex-Rough Riders and big game hunters at the Roosevelt table; and the President could more than hold his own with any of them. “I am delighted to show any courtesy to Pierpont Morgan or Andrew Carnegie or James J. Hill,” the President once remarked in explaining his guest lists, “but as for regarding any one of them as, for instance, I regard Professor [John Bagnell] Bury [Irish classical scholar], or Peary the Arctic explorer, or [James Ford] Rhodes the historian — why I could not force myself to do it even if I wanted to, which I don’t.”  He was in this respect the perfect aristocrat. Mere money-making, beyond the point required to ensure a reasonable share of life’s comforts, he regarded as vulgar and corrupting. For the man who spent his life accumulating wealth, Roosevelt felt nothing but contempt. For the man who spent it accumulating knowledge, he felt a reverent kinship.



The breadth of Roosevelt’s interests and associations was reflected in his speaking and his writing. On occasion, he could be, and was, movingly eloquent. But he also had an unsurpassed flair for the colorful phrase and the striking simile. It was he who gave us such terms as “malefactors of great wealth” and “the lunatic fringe” and “the square deal.” It was he who applied (somewhat unfairly) the term muck-rakers to the journalists of his day who were exposing corruption in politics and business. During the Panama crisis he said that making an agreement with the Columbians was as impossible as “nailing jelly to a wall”; and when, as vice president, he felt that McKinley was backing away from war with Spain he declared privately that the President had “the backbone of a chocolate éclair.” Of Bryan, the “Boy Orator of the River Platte,” Roosevelt said: “He is a professional yodeler — a human trombone,” though he later became somewhat more charitable and described Bryan as “a good-hearted man of precisely the temperament best fitted to make a success as a barker for patent medicine.”



The White House,” Roosevelt once remarked, is a “bully pulpit.”** But the preaching he did from his pulpit was not limited to political matters. He preached the virtues of simplified spelling, though Congress indignantly rebelled when he ordered the Government Printing Office to adopt such phonetic changes as “tho” for “though” and “thru” for “through.” He preached with equal vigor against what he labeled the “nature fakers,” who wrote what purported to be factual books and articles attributing human emotions and reasoning powers to animals; and when he finally was persuaded that a President should not engage in public controversy on such a minor matter he cut off the debate by declaring that for a competent naturalist to argue with the nature fakers was “as senseless as it would be for professional anthropologist to engage in polemics with the fabricators of the Cardiff giant.” From the White House pulpit, Roosevelt also preached the doctrine of the strenuous life, with daily demonstrations to the delight of the public and cartoonists. And he preached the virtues of large families and the sacredness of the American home.



In all these matters Roosevelt assiduously practiced what he preached, and nowhere was this more evident than in his family life, which was a separate and hallowed compartment of his existence. “I have the happiest home life of any man I have ever known,” he once wrote, and he regarded this as perhaps the greatest achievement of his career. In most areas of his life, Roosevelt accepted and welcomed his place on the center of the stage, but he did his best to keep the spotlight away from his hours with Edith, his wife, and the five children. To some extent, this effort was futile. His children shared a good deal of his exuberance and this, plus the natural curiosity of the press and public, made them the subject of a continuous flow of colorful newspaper stories. “It is truly a remarkable sight” reported a Chicago newspaperman who was stationed at the Sagamore Hill Summer White House, “to see the president of the United States at the head of a young band of savages on their way to the woods or the target grounds.”  The strenuous life which Roosevelt both preached and practiced was as strenuous physically as intellectually, for it was a basic article of faith with him that physical fitness and mental fitness should go hand in hand. As a child he had transformed a frail physique into a sound one by sheer force of self-discipline and in the Dakota Badlands, where he engaged in cattle ranching after the death of his first wife, he had developed his stamina further in range-riding and arduous hunting expeditions. Throughout his life he systematically pushed himself to the limits of physical endurance. On his first honeymoon, he ascended the Matterhorn, then a considerable feat. As a young legislator in New York he once played 91 games of tennis in one day. Riding to the hounds on Long Island a few years later he fractured his arm in two places early in the hunt when his horse rolled over on him, but nonetheless jumped back in the saddle and was first in on the kill, his arm dangling uselessly at his side. During the Bull Moose campaign of 1912 he insisted, with more valor than judgment, upon delivering a speech in Milwaukee after a would-be assassin’s bullet had lodged in the muscles of his chest. Two years later he lost 55 pounds and very nearly died of fever in the jungles of the Amazon Valley where he was engaged in what he termed his “last great adventure” as head of an exploring party for the American Museum of Natural History. In the White House he let only the gravest affairs of state interfere with his daily exercise; and when no better opportunity presented itself he would sometimes sally forth alone at night to run around the Washington Monument at top speed and back to the White House. It was in a boxing bout at the White House that he lost the sight of his left eye, though this was not publicly known until several years after the event.

Of all the President’s outdoor pastimes, perhaps the most characteristic of all were his “obstacle walks,” a form of exercise [in which the object was for a group to proceed to a destination in a straight line without] permitting any natural obstacle — whether an icy river or a sheer cliff, to divert their course. In Washington, the President’s obstacle walks were generally taken at Rock Creek, and it was counted a considerable honor, though an exhausting one, to be invited to accompany him. It was partly as an outgrowth of this pastime that he tried on one occasion to combat the indolent habits of the swivel-chair Army officers in Washington by issuing an order that they must establish their physical fitness by marching 50 miles in a three-day period or, in the case of cavalry officers, riding 100 miles in the same period. When the order was widely attacked as tyrannical and capricious, the President rode more than 100 miles in a single day over the back roads of Virginia through freezing rain and sleet to prove that the test was not unduly demanding.



It was this sort of episode, as much as Roosevelt’s trust-busting or his manipulation of the big stick, that made him the most colorful and controversial figure of his time. People could revere or deplore him, condemn this action or praise that one, but no one could ignore him. The enormous range of his interests, and his endless reservoirs of combative energy, projected him into every phase of national life, and whether the issue was big or little, he was generally to be found in the storm center. “Roosevelt,” a far-from-worshipful contemporary [biographer John William Bennett] admitted, “has the knack of doing things, and doing them noisily, clamorously. While he is in the neighborhood the public can no more look the other way than a small boy can turn his head away from a circus parade followed by a steam calliope.”



This never-ending energy — this quality of “pure act” — had still another consequence that cannot fail to impress the student of TR’s life. It enabled him to compress a truly breath-taking amount of activity into short periods of time, so that sometimes the reader of the Roosevelt record has the dizzying impression that he is watching a kaleidoscope rather than the orderly unfolding of a mere mortal’s career.



Consider, for example, one period of just six months during his early career: the period of February through July of the year 1886, when Roosevelt, at the age of only 26, was a young reform legislator in Albany. In mid-February of that year he was devastated by the greatest single tragedy of his life, when his beloved first wife, Alice, and his mother, to whom he was deeply devoted, died within 24 hours of each other at the family mansion in Manhattan. With an extraordinary display of will power he returned to his legislative duties two days after the double funeral and for the next two months dominated the activities of the session, conducting an exhaustive and productive investigation of municipal administration and corruption in New York City. In April he was in Buffalo for the state Republican convention at which he out-maneuvered the anti-reform elements of the party and emerged as the head of a liberal delegation to the party’s national convention in Chicago. At Chicago, two months later, he was the spearhead of the fight to block Blaine’s nomination for the presidency, going sleepless for days and nights on end in a heroic though unsuccessful fight to nominate a liberal ticket. And by late June, with the convention over and Blaine nominated, he was in the Dakota Badlands riding herd with his cowboy friends and embarking on a buffalo hunting expedition that was to take him through hostile Indian country into virtually unexplored areas of the Great Plains. All this, mind you, in a period of less than six months when he was a young man of 26.



Or consider the kaleidoscopic course of his life during the year 1898, when he was 39 years old. At the start of that year he was serving as assistant secretary of the Navy, a post which he had taken after a brief but dramatic stint as police commissioner for New York City. In February the sinking of the battleship Maine in Havana harbor brought to a head the growing rift between Spain and the United States over the Cuban revolution. Without the knowledge of his cautious superior, Secretary of the Navy John D. Long, Roosevelt alerted Admiral Dewey to get the Asiatic fleet in readiness to move against the Philippines — a step which was a major factor two months later in the smashing American victory at Manila Bay. Meanwhile, on the day that the inevitable declaration of war against Spain was approved by Congress, Roosevelt resigned from the Navy Department to organize a motley regiment of hardened cowboys, polo-playing dudes and free-wheeling soldiers of fortune who came to be known as the Rough Riders. After two months of training in Texas, the Rough Riders embarked for Cuba where Colonel Roosevelt led them through the most colorful and hazardous chapter of what John Hay termed the “splendid little war” with Spain. In July, with the war over, he initiated the famous “round robin” letter which, when “leaked” to the press, forced the Was Department bureaucrats in Washington to bring the bulk of the American troops home rather than leave them, as originally planned, in Cuba, where they were being decimated by yellow fever. By August, Colonel Roosevelt had returned to a hero’s welcome in New York; a month later he was the Republican candidate for governor of the state; and in November after a hard-driving campaign, he was triumphantly elected. In the short space of less than a year he had compressed a series of exploits that would have been deemed remarkable in another man if they had occurred over the course of an entire lifetime.



What gave TR such bottomless reservoirs of physical and intellectual energy? What gave him such driving enthusiasm, such an utter incapacity for boredom? Part of it must have been built in at birth — but much of it was deliberately acquired. In a sense his life was a classic example of mind over matter. The same intense self-discipline that enabled him to overcome the handicap of a sickly childhood enabled him to force himself, constantly, to drive through life with the throttle wide open. “I always believe in going hard at everything,” he once said. And to young people his frequent advice was: “Don’t flinch. Don’t foul. Hit the line hard!” He was a born actor, moreover — and he played his role to the hilt every day of his life.



Perhaps inevitably, the relentless demands that Roosevelt placed upon his energies took a heavy and inexorable toll upon his constitution. When he died in 1919 at Sagamore Hill — peacefully, in his sleep, of a blood clot in his heart — he was only two months past his 60th birthday. A few weeks earlier, when he had been hospitalized briefly with a slight stroke, he had written characteristically to a friend: “The doctors think I will be all right in the end. I hope so; but I am ahead of the game anyhow. Nobody every packed more varieties of fun and interest into sixty years.”



Across the nation, the news of Roosevelt’s death was received with shocked incredulity by Americans who had come to think of his extraordinary energy as almost a permanent part of the national life. Messages from kings and commoners poured into Sagamore Hill from all over the world. But perhaps the most apt tribute of all was the one penned in Washington the next day by Vice President Thomas R. Marshall. “Death,” he wrote, “had to take him sleeping. For if Roosevelt had been awake, there would have been a fight.”

___________________



* The book for which Linscott did research was The Life and Times of Theodore Roosevelt, by Stefan Lorant (Doubleday & Company, Inc., Garden City, New York, 1959). A Berkshire County resident, Lorant was a prolific Hungarian-American filmmaker, photojournalist, and author.



** Roosevelt used the word bully as an adjective meaning "superb" or "wonderful," a more common usage in his time than it is today.







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Thursday, February 9, 2017

Artificial Intelligence: Should we worry?




Kismet the AI Robot at the MIT Museum, photo by Chris Devers, used under Creative Commons License

Presented to the Club by Martin Langeveld on Monday evening, February 6, 2017



Artificial Intelligence (or AI) is defined as intelligence exhibited by a machine, specifically a computer-driven device.



In popular culture, artificial intelligence is often depicted negatively. Recall the computer HAL in the movie 2001: A Space Odyssey. While HAL appears benevolent at first, taking care of the spaceship’s functions and playing chess with its human travellers, eventually the computer turns evil and seeks to kill the astronauts after discovering they are having doubts about HAL’s reliability and are planning to disable him.



Many other intelligent machines and robots, some nasty, some nice, figure in movies such as The Terminator, The Matrix, Aliens, and back in the 50s The Day the Earth Stood Still. And science fiction writers like Isaac Asimov, Philip K. Dick and many others have explored the implications of intelligent machines as well.



Still, such machines, with true cognitive ability and rational decision making ability, and what might be understood as consciousness or self-awareness, have not yet been invented. In fact, a debate has raged for decades as to how to actually determine whether a computer is intelligent. Most of the methods proposed are variations on the well-known Turing Test, proposed in 1950 by the Enigma code-breaking mathematician, Alan Turing. Turing proposed a test in which an evaluator interviews two entities, a human and a computer in such a way that he can not see them, and receives answers only as text. In Turing’s original formulation, if, after a five minute conversation with each entity, the evaluator can not tell the human from the computer 70 percent of the time, the computer is judged to be intelligent.



After 67 years, and many tries, no computer or computer program has been able to pass Turing’s original test. Many variations of the test have been developed, including a $20,000 bet in which futurist Ray Kurzweil bet Mitch Kapor, founder of the Electronic Frontier Foundation, that by the year 2029, a panel of judges would not be able to pick the computer out of a lineup comprising it and three human foils after a set of conversations lasting 24 hours in total.



By the way, one alternative to the Turing Test, is called the Coffee Test, promulgated by Steve Wozniak, the original partner of Steve Jobs in the creation of the Apple computer.  In the Coffee test, “A machine is given the task of going into an average American home and figuring out how to make coffee. It has to find the coffee machine, find the coffee, add water, find a mug, and brew the coffee by pushing the proper buttons.” I’m glad to say I’ve personally passed the coffee test quite a few times when getting up early when staying at somebody’s house, but I’ve know people who failed it at my house.



To be clear, although the Turing Test remains un-passed, some very impressive computers have been developed. For example, in 1997, IBM’s Deep Blue computer defeated the world chess champion, Gary Kasparov, in a six-game championship match. IBM followed up with Watson, the question answering computer that beat Jeopardy’s two winningest-ever players, Ken Jennings and Brad Rutter, in 2011. Deep Blue was retired, but Watson and Watson clones have been used in a variety of applications ranging from health care to weather forecasting.



Google, which has invested heavily in artificial intelligence research, built a program called AlphaGo to play the Chinese game of Go, which is actually far more complex than chess. (As an indication, the number of possible games in chess is 10 to the 123, while the number of possible games in Go is 10 to 768. This makes Go 10 to 645 times more complex than chess — that’s a 1 with 645 zeros.)  In 2015, AlphaGo defeated the European Go champion, winning all five-games in a five game match, a very impressive advance from Deep Blue’s chess successes.



The chessplaying Deep Blue and the Jeopardy-playing Watson could rely on brute force computation. But to succeed at Go, AlphaGo needed more than that. At any moment in a game of chess, Deep Blue could rapidly analyze about 200 million possible outcomes for various moves and choose the best option. But in Go, there are vastly more ways the game can develop, so brute force doesn’t work. Google’s Deepmind division, which built AlphaGo, says the computer “combines Monte-Carlo tree search with deep neural networks that have been trained by supervised learning, from human expert games, and by reinforcement learning from games of self-play.”



Still, all of these are computers and programs that are very good at one difficult task, be it chess, Jeopardy or Go, just mimic actual intelligence. They display no capabilities that would fool the evaluator in a Turing Test.



We might consider, also, the current crop of digital assistants with human voices, like Apple’s Siri, Amazon’s Alexa, Google’s Assistant, and Microsoft’s Cortana. In these apps, the problem of human speech recognition and replication has been solved, to a degree. But anyone who has used devices incorporating these programs knows that while they are marketed as part of “smart” phones or “smart” speakers, these devices are not really smart. There may be some useful functions, and some clever responses are built in for your entertainment (like, “Siri, tell me a joke”), but there is no thinking going on, and the actual tasks performed are relatively simple.



In fact, these digital assistants have quite a few functions, built in by their tech-loving creators, that the average person doesn’t even really want or need. Alexa can turn on the lights, but why? Alexa can set a timer, but I already have two or three around the kitchen. Alexa can make a shopping list, but what if I’m not in the room with my Echo? We’ve been hearing for years about the refrigerator that will be smart enough to text you that you’re running low on milk, but again, is this really a feature we need or want?



Such quibbles aside, we have to admit that machines are getting smarter all the time, and aspects of artificial intelligence are already benefiting mankind in many ways, or in ways that are nearing actual deployment. Self driving cars. Robotic factories that operate with the lights off because there are no human beings inside. Roombas in our living room. Robots that milk cows. Facial recognition, handwriting recognition, speech recognition. Fast and increasingly accurate translations among many languages. Robotically assisted surgery. Increasingly sophisticated computer analysis and coordination of complex tasks, ranging from weather prediction to economic modeling to medical diagnostics to military strategies and tactics to marketing campaigns. We have all these things.



As computers, intelligent or not, begin to surpass human accuracy and effectiveness in these kinds of tasks, what are the societal implications? From the early days of computers in the 1950s, through most of the 1980s, many people worried that computers replacing humans at various tasks would eliminate their jobs. But for the most part, this didn’t happen. Yes, computers replaced humans doing the most rote and mundane tasks, but overall, employment was not reduced — partly because the computers themselves required a lot of human tenders, and partly because the development and manufacture of computers employed a lot of people.



But in the 1990s and 2000s, as the internet developed and as personal computers, and later, smartphones with equivalent computing power became ubiquitous, computer capability indeed began to surpass the usefulness of human labor in many situations, and continues to do so.



Today, we are seeing a relatively low unemployment rate, but only because many people have given up on finding employment. As a result, the employment to population ratio, or employment rate, which continued to increase during the 80s and 90s, has now dropped to levels it has not seen since the late 1970s. The increasing scarcity of low-skilled jobs brought on by increased automation is a big factor behind the rise, during the last decade, of the protectionist attitudes that have resulted in the election of Donald Trump as President. But by and large, the American economy and the American standard of living have benefited, so far, from increasingly smart electronics, and the real impact of artificial intelligence, as it is developed, is yet to be seen.



Before we worry about that: Is an independently thinking machine even possible, in the short run or in the long run? If HAL was supposed to happen by 2001, why haven’t we gotten there yet? Is the thinking computer like the flying car? — a logical projection of trendlines, but not one that can realistically happen?



In the view of some, the closest we’ve gotten to a true thinking machine is the Internet itself with all its nodes and cables, the organization of which bears a lot of resemblance to the synapses and neurons in the human brain. Some have ventured a size and capacity comparison between the Internet and the brain, including recent estimates by researchers at the Salk Institute who determined that in computer terms, the typical brain can hold 1 petabyte of information; other estimates range up to several petabytes. (A petabyte is 1000 times the capacity of this little 1 terabyte disk drive, and a terabyte is 1000 gigabytes. The phone in your pocket probably holds 16 or 32 gigabytes at capacity. So your brain can hold around 100,000 times the information on your phone.) But the internet has surpassed this capacity, many years ago, and is currently estimated to hold several yottabytes of data, where a yottabyte is a billion petabytes, or a billion human brain equivalents.



With all that storage capacity, why is the internet not yet one giant thinking machine? Several reasons: (1) it was not created, or programmed, to be a thinking machine; and (2) While the data storage capacity of the internet exceeds a billion human brains, the total data processing capacity, or computational capacity, in the world today is only the equivalent of about 8 human brains. That doesn’t mean the nine of us here in the room could out-data-process all of the the world’s computers, but we can definitely still out-think all of the world’s computers.



Now, up to this point, I’ve been describing the real world, the actual development of computers, at least semi-intelligent, thus far. But this is where we enter realms of speculation.



So, here’s a scary thought. Today we can out-think the computers. But suppose, at some point, a Dr. Frankenstein (or more likely a Frankenstein Institution or a Frankenstein Company or a shadowy Frankenstein network of hackers) manages to create a machine with actual consciousness and cognitive intelligence. And then, they connect it to the Internet. Without controls, a machine like that could replicate or enlarge itself in cyberspace very rapidly, digest much of the world’s information, and then use it to develop further, in unpredictable directions. At the speed of light.



In simple terms, that’s the definition of the technological singularity, which has been predicted by some futurists. You’ve heard about the space-time singularity: the initial state of the Universe prior to the Big Bang, in which all of time, space and matter was compressed into a single point of infinite density. In the theory of the technological singularity, all of the curves of ever-accelerating digital information storage and processing capacity lead eventually to a runaway situation, in which machine intelligence exceeds human intelligence, and the speed of technological change accelerates until the curve goes straight up. It’s like falling into a black hole — there is no way to look past it and understand what might happen. Thinkers ranging from entrepreneur Elon Musk to physicist Stephen Hawking have warned against the dangers of runaway artificial intelligence, and have helped promulgate a set of 23 guiding principles to steer A.I. development into productive, ethical, and safe directions.



So there is the scary scenario, but we may be getting ahead of ourselves. We are still in the early stages of progress toward intelligent machines, with quite a few problems to be solved before worrying about the singularity. And many of those problems are on the human side of the equation. Most importantly: How will people make a living when more and more tasks are done by computers and robots?



We have self-driving cars, which will likely evolve in the next few years into self-driving tractor-trailers, self-driving trains, self-driving ocean freighters. You can buy a self-driving vacuum cleaner, which will likely evolve into autonomous machines that clean offices, public bathrooms, and mall concourses, and autonomous machines that mow the grass not only in our own lawns but in our parks, golf courses, and highway medians. Driverless Zambonis are already on the way. Amazon was using 45,000 robots in its warehouses at the end of 2016, an increase of 50 percent over the prior year. The Taiwanese company Foxconn, which a few years ago employed 500,000 people in China to assemble cellphones for Apple and Samsung, has replaced 40,000 of those people with robots, and plans, eventually, to replace all of them with up to one million robots. An Oxford University study in 2013 estimated that 47 percent of American jobs are at high risk of being replaced by computers and robots within the next 10 years.



Much as our President would like to “bring back” jobs, the reality is that most of the jobs in question, both here and abroad, will eventually be taken over by robots like this, with potentially enormous social consequences. Because as long as investments in more robots have an economic payoff, more robots will be built and deployed. This is no different, really, from the various waves of job-killing technologies that we have seen from the beginning of the industrial revolution, from steam engines to horseless carriages to word processors. But, in each of those previous waves, while many jobs became obsolete, even more new jobs were created by new opportunities.



But as we get closer to real artificial intelligence, that pattern may not continue —increasing automation and increasing deployment of ever-more-intelligent machines will replace more and more human labor. Once machines start designing other machines and writing computer code, even higher-level engineering jobs will start to disappear. This creates a conundrum: how do we maintain a sustainable, balanced economy when an increasing fraction of the population is permanently unemployed because robots are doing more and more of the work, and when the economic benefits of artificial intelligence flow to a smaller and smaller fraction of the population, those who own and operate the machinery? And, at the logical extreme, with the advent of true artificial intelligence, when even the highest functions are taken over by machines: robot scientists, robot engineers, robot CEOs of robot corporations. This is a recipe for an economy with more and more potential supply, but less and less demand. This not a new worry — the economist John Maynard Keynes predicted, back in 1933, that widespread technological unemployment could come about if “our discovery of means of economising the use of labour [outruns] the pace at which we can find new uses for labour”.



The answer to this problem, suggested by many futurists, is that we create a form of Universal Basic Income, or UBI. Essentially, this is a way to redistribute the financial benefits of technology to all. Getting into the mechanics, pros and cons of UBI would make a whole other Monday Evening Club paper, but suffice it to say that UBI is a form of universal social security that starts at birth, or a reverse income tax, in which every individual is guaranteed a level of income sufficient to survive and even thrive, that’s paid whether the person is working for a living, or not. Proponents of the UBI say, based on some limited experiments with it, that this would not merely be a subsistence allowance — that a society with Universal Basic Income would produce more creativity and more innovation while reducing crime, substandard housing and poor health. More extensive tests of UBI are currently underway in the Netherlands and Finland.



So in this scenario, although most jobs disappear, humans find new economic models that allow them to coexist with robotic artificial intelligence; they keep it under control and it works for the benefit of humankind, which flourishes in a world with less violence, less drudgery, more culture and more happiness. In the more fanciful projections of this scenario, eventually humans achieve immortality, or something close to it, by melding their bodies and minds with machines into new, transhuman species, which go forth to explore the universe.



But other scenarios are not so rosy. What if, for example, multiple forms of artificial intelligence arise, escape from effective human control, and go into conflict with one another in robot wars? What if robots, bent on self-replication and unconcerned about the effects of radical environmental changes on themselves, re-engineer the biosphere to benefit only themselves, wreaking environmental havoc to the detriment of humans? In these kinds of outcomes, economies would collapse, massive suffering would ensue, and eventually the human race and perhaps all life would disappear from an Earth populated by intelligent machines. After all, once the machines escape from human control, what motivation would they have for keeping us around? Perhaps, in the long run, they would evolve into one massive, superintelligent, but non-organic, being — an earth-sized thinking machine. What would it think about? What would it want to do, with nothing left to destroy except itself? Having incorporated all possible terrestrial knowledge, perhaps it, too, would send out space probes and begin exploring the universe.



On that question, one final speculation: If it is possible for this kind of artificial intelligence to develop, wouldn’t it have developed elsewhere in the universe as well, and be trying to communicate with superintelligence in other parts of the universe? Since the dawn of the space age, humans have calculated that in the vast universe of billions of galaxies, each with billions of stars, intelligent life must have arisen somewhere else. But for decades, we have been trying to pick up signals from alien civilizations, whether organic or machine, and have detected none. And, unless the rumors about Area 51 and Roswell, New Mexico are true, we have not been visited either. This is known as the Fermi Paradox, after the physicist Enrico Fermi who first proposed it during bull sessions among the atomic scientists at Los Alamos. Fermi’s famous question was, “Where is everybody?”



So a superintelligent entity, knowing this, faces a choice: should it send out signals in search of like-minded machines, or not? It has the capability to survive for thousands or millions of years, so unlike us, it could patiently wait for an answer. But it would have to consider the pros and cons. Reasoning like Space Trek’s Spock, it would think: the fact that I exist means most probably, others like me exist, out there. But they are not communicating. This could mean one of two things: (a) they’re just not interested in communicating — they are purely introspective superintelligences, or (b) they’ve decided not to communicate for a good reason: the possibility that some of the other superintelligences are evil and would seek to destroy or enslave the others. Either way, they would not be sending out smoke signals, and would be trying hide their existence. Like us, they would wait and listen, and then decide whether to answer. Perhaps all intelligent civilizations our there, organic or machine, are doing the same thing.




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Thursday, December 8, 2016

Neapolitan Children Bathing: The stories of John Singer Sargent and Robert Sterling Clark




Neapolitan Children Bathing, by John Singer Sargent





Presented to the Club by David T. Noyes on Monday evening, December 5, 2016



Can you remember when the only building housing the Clark
Art Institute was the stark, austere, imposing, lonely, marble fortress set
back from the street on a knoll in Williamstown? After moving to Pittsfield in
1981, Sue and I made many trips to take in Sterling Clark’s collection. There
was no food service at the Museum in those days, so we might grab lunch at the
(now defunct) Howard Johnson’s, or have a sandwich at Papa Charlie’s Deli on
Spring Street. No visit was complete without admiring this small painting—also
titled Innocence Abroad; or Boys on a Beach, Naples, painted in 1879 by John Singer Sargent.







This 11” x 16” canvas shows children enjoying a beautiful
sunny day at the beach. Two boys—one with a towel over his face, the other on
his stomach with his head propped up on his hand—lie near two other, much
younger boys standing. The boy at the center, wearing water wings, looks as
though he is trying to get up the courage to wade into the rolling surf. Out in
the water, a head bobbing above the rolling waves shows us a swimmer. The only
interruption of the blue sky is the sailboat on the horizon. The smallest
child, still showing the chubbiness of babyhood, looks outward engaging the
viewer, thereby inviting us into their realm. The use of a completely frontal
stance became a hallmark of Sargent’s painting as he felt this gave a more
powerful image and made a more direct connection with the viewer. The children
are all relaxed, and self absorbed—the very epitome of childhood innocence.






During those early years in Pittsfield, we frequently made
family trips to Cape Cod to stay and visit with my parents at their cottage
with a view of the water. Naturally, the beach was the favorite place to be—accessed
via a simple walk across the narrow road passing by the front porch. From the
moment I first saw this painting, I imagined that the two younger boys were our
sons, Todd and Tyler, as they were exact likenesses. When I dropped off the
postcards to Harold to be included with the regular reminder mailing, Audrey
immediately said: “Is this a picture of your family?” “Exactly!” I smiled.





In fact, The Boston Globe’s Pulitzer Prize winning art
critic, Sebastian Smee, was similarly struck by this painting. In a June, 2015
article he writes: “This small stingingly bright canvas always stops me at the
Clark, where it hangs amid great works by 19th-century painters,
most of them French. It evokes a world far from the Clark’s undulant campus. The
stark light and satisfying spiritual click of standing on your own shadow
reminds me of my own childhood in Australia, much of it spent on all-but vacant
beaches like this one.”





This painting, by John Singer Sargent, when he was just twenty-two
years old, was his third work to appear in America. The owner lent it to the
National Academy of Design in New York City for its 1879 exhibition where it
was applauded as “delightful, happy, and sparkling” and commended for its
subtlety of color. The tremendously positive reaction reflected the important
status given to children in post Civil War America; they were signs of purity
and innocence, as well as hope for the future.





Although Sargent is considered an American artist, he was
born in Florence, Italy in 1856. His father, Fitzwilliam Sargent, was born in
Gloucester, Mass. He graduated from the University of Pennsylvania with a
degree in Medicine 1843. For ten years, from 1844 until 1854, he worked as a
surgeon in Philadelphia. Eminent in his profession, he published works on minor
surgery. John Sargent’s mother was Mary Newbold the daughter of John Singer, a
well to do Philadelphia merchant and successor to a prosperous business he
inherited from his father.





As a child, Mary had travelled to Italy. Such was the magic
of that country, that after four years of marriage, she persuaded her husband
to give up his practice and in 1854 they moved to Florence. Fitzwilliam Sargent
had, by virtue of his practice in Philadelphia, made a good living. But Mary
was sufficiently well off that he did not have to work to support the family.





Fitzwilliam expected his son would have a naval career, but
at age 12, John’s mother recognized his artistic talent and his schooling soon reflected
that. The conventional curriculum of Greek/Latin and Mathematics was supplanted
with music and foreign Languages, where, he excelled.





In October 1874 at the age of 18 he entered the studio of
Carolus Duran, then the foremost portrait painter in Paris. Sargent himself
always recognized his debt to the teaching of Duran. At the height of his fame
he commented that “Carolus Duran couldn’t actually do it himself---but he could
teach it”. When asked, for example, how he avoided false accents in
portraiture, Sargent said: “you must classify the values. If you begin with the
middle-tones and work up and down from there towards the darks and lights—so
that you deal last with your lightest lights and darkest darks—you avoid false
accents. That’s what Carolus taught me.”





In 1876 he sailed to America and experienced his first visit
with the United States. There is no hint of the impression he received. He was
an American by parentage, born and educated in the Old World, steeped in the
culture of Europe, and now, at the age of twenty, he was introduced to his
native country for the first time. The contrast must have been sharper than it
would be today. The great American collectors had not really begun the
piecemeal transfer of European collections of art. It was only by visiting
Europe that one could obtain any idea of the history of painting.





In 1878 his picture “En Route pour la Peche” received
honorable mention at the Salon.





In 1882, two of Sargent’s pictures in the Salon, were
singled out by the critics for unqualified praise. One critic wrote of the
portrait: Mrs. Austin---“one does not know which to admire most, the simplicity
of the means which the artist has employed or the brilliance of the result
which he has achieved” Another critic wrote that El Jaleo was the most striking
picture of the year. And so at the still quite young age of 26, Sargent, an
American by virtue of his heritage, was being hailed in Paris as the author of
the two most outstanding pictures in the Salon. He was soon receiving as many
commissions as he could execute, charging for a full length portrait----8,000
francs, for a half length—five thousand, and for his subject pictures and for landscapes,
anything from two to four thousand francs.





No French artist was more admired by Sargent than the French
Neoclassical artist, Jean—Auguste--Dominique Ingres who became most famous for
his portraits from the early to mid nineteenth century. Yet the two artists
were quite dissimilar. Ingres painted with serenity in his delineation of form,
and with repose and beauty in his lines, but often shunned the agitation and
movement of light. By contrast—Sargent was forcible in his execution, concerned
with the play and reflection of light, and on the look-out for the intricate
aspect of things; highlighting an art that is alert, vibrant, and vital with
color and the spirit of life. But underneath all that, there remains the
draftsmanship, the genius for composition and the fluent strength and elegance
of the line of the French master—it was these virtues that Sargent never tired
of extolling.





And those skills are dramatically apparent even in this
early painting. It would appear to be a simple, casual representation of a day
at the beach. But the painting was developed from several pencil sketches and
four preliminary oil studies on panel, all of which seem to have been painted en plein air. Sargent puts three of the
boys off center, and crops the legs of the figure in the foreground. The
shining grey-white sand, surf, and translucent water wings contribute reflective
surfaces so that soft golden hues can define the children’s bodies, with
puddles of grayish purple forming their shadows. The overall effect is one of
warm sunshine that charms the viewer.   





While in Paris, he frequently saw Degas, Renoir, Sisley and
Pissarro, but was most friendly with Claude Monet whom he believed had a
greater influence on art than any other modern painter. When Sargent discussed
genius on painting, he said there were four painters who possessed genius in a
superlative degree: Rembrandt, Titian, Tintoretto and Raphael. When asked his
opinion of Velasquez joining the group. He added that no painter exceeded
Velasquez in technical skill, but that he was less gifted in his power to
interpret “spiritual qualities”.





Sargent moved to London in 1885—more out of distaste for
Paris than preference for London. He leased the studio that had previously
belonged to James Abbott McNeill Whistler, another American, but European
portrait painter.





“Those who watched Sargent painting in his studio noticed
his habit of stepping backwards after almost every stroke of the brush on the
canvas. And the track of his paces so worn on the carpet that it simulated the
path sheep make through heather. When confronting difficulty, he had a sort of
battle cry of “Demons, Demons” with which he would dash to and fro at the
canvas”





During the winter of 1887-1888 he sailed to Boston where he
exhibited twenty of his pictures. His work was hailed for its sincerity, and
its brilliant variation from the stereotypical conventions of the day. Henceforth,
his reputation in America was assured.





From this point forward in his career, he no longer chose
subjects from the humbler walks of life. Destiny prescribed for him the role of
a portrait painter of the social world. He had brought the tradition with him
from Paris; he had grown up in an age when, having your portrait painted, was an
expected part of the fashionable life. In London he carried on the tradition. He
was unaffected by the changes taking place in Paris in the character of
subjects which the rising Impressionist artists were painting. The work of
Sargent now came from a study of the eminent, the rich and the successful. He
painted the world of which Henry James wrote. His migration to England put an
end to his interested outlook in the peasant life and folk
subjects----fisherwomen by the sea, dancers in Spanish cabarets, Parisians in
the Luxembourg Gardens, Venetian water-carriers, or, even, Boys on a Beach!





Conditions in England decided the direction of Sargent’s
genius. He was turned away from his experiment in Impressionism, and his
leanings towards common subjects. As the chronicler of the fashionable world,
like Van Dyck in his day, or like the 18th century English portrait
painters Sir Joshua Reynolds and Thomas Gainsborough in theirs, he established
within a few years an undisputed supremacy.





Few artists have been more consistently applauded in their
lifetime than Sargent, few have seen their work maintain throughout many years
greater popularity with the public. There had never been a moment since 1875
when his pictures had not found a ready market, there had never been a year
when he didn’t have more commissions than he could execute. Critics, after the
first hesitations, and with few exceptions, consistently eulogized his
paintings; dealers had been resolute in their acquisition; fellow artists had
acclaimed him; and the public, had made him their favorite. The prices realized
by his pictures at auction rose steadily during his lifetime. And in July 1925,
237 of Sargent’s oil paintings and drawings sold at Christie’s for 170,000
pounds—there was no parallel for such a sale at that time.





Robert Sterling Clark purchased this painting from the son
of the original owner in 1923 when he was forty-six.





The person whose fortune made all of Sterling Clark’s
collecting and high living possible was Edward Cabot Clark. The four grandsons:
Sterling and Stephen and their brothers, Edward and Ambrose could not have been
who they were without the incredible wealth from Edward’s phenomenal business
success. When he died in 1882 his net worth was 50 million dollars. The origin
of the family fortune is due to Edward Clark’s alliance with the sewing machine
developer—Isaac Merritt Singer.




Singer would become infinitely better known than Clark—in large part because
his name was on every one of the machines that entered first American and then
international households. These engineering
inspirations were a result of Singer’s inventiveness, but turning those
qualities into such a vast fortune was the genius of Edward Clark.





Edward Clark was born in 1811 in Athens, New York. His
father had a successful pottery business and Edward grew up in comfortable
circumstances. At the age of twelve he began four years of education at the
Academy in Lenox Massachusetts. He then went on to graduate from Williams
College at the age of nineteen in 1831. (He would later become a trustee and be
awarded an honorary Doctorate.) Edward apprenticed for three years at the law
firm of Ambrose Jordan in Hudson, New York, and was then admitted to practice
law--setting up a practice in Poughkeepsie. He
married his boss’s daughter and then moved with his father-in-law, in 1836, to
New York City. Soon thereafter “Jordan and Clark” gained the reputation as New
York City’s most prestigious law firm. (It probably helped that Ambrose Jordan
was the state’s attorney general!)





Isaac Merritt Singer was also born in 1811, in Pittstown,
New York. He grew up in poverty and left home at the age of twelve. He
apprenticed in a machine shop, and began to make a good living because of his
mechanical ingenuity. Singer stood six feet four inches tall and had a massive
build, cutting quite an imposing figure. He married Catherine Haley and had two
children with her.





He fancied himself quite the actor, and especially enjoyed performing
Shakespeare. In 1839 while working with his brother in Illinois digging a
waterway, he got his first patent: a machine for drilling rock. With the two
thousand dollars he received, he formed his own travelling theater company. He
was now known as Isaac Merritt and his actress mistress, Mary Ann Sponseler,
was known as Mrs. Merritt. He ultimately had eleven children with her. (He also
had an additional child from a third woman, Mary Eastwood Walters, during this
time) The troupe ran out of money and
Singer moved to New York with an idea for a machine that would carve wood-block
type. Here he sought the help of the Jordan and Clark law firm.





Ambrose Jordan found Singer “too personally distasteful to
represent”. But he must have seen some value in retaining him as a client
because he referred him to his son-in-law. Edward Clark helped Singer obtain
the patent in 1849 and Singer assigned Edward three-eights of it in lieu of
paying legal fees.





Sewing machines had existed since at least 1790 when Thomas
Saint had received a patent for one in England. A French tailor, Barthelemy
Thimonnier improved the machine in 1829. In 1846 Elias Howe received a patent
for his sewing machine. Singer’s improvement was to have the machine make
stronger stitches in a perfectly straight line. He received a patent in 1851
and went into a financial partnership to start the Jenny Lind Sewing Machine Company.
(Named after Swedish soprano then touring the United States.)





However, Elias Howe felt that Singer’s machine was
sufficiently close to his own that he began legal proceedings for patent
infringement. Singer once again turned to Edward Clark. Still penniless, Singer
ultimately agreed to give Clark half ownership and the right to take control of
the new company: I.M. Singer & Company in exchange for legal services.





What is interesting about the patent litigation is that
Singer had, indeed, violated the law and infringed on one of Elias Howe’s
patents. When Howe pressed for a settlement of twenty-five thousand dollars, he
did so because of Singer’s use of the eye-pointed needle in his new machine. Although
Howe had not invented that device, he did own the patent. Everything else about
Singer’s machine was an advance over Howe’s, but the use of the needle without
authorization was illegal. The settlement reached in 1854 awarded Howe a
royalty from all Singer Machines. Edward’s genius was in keeping the settlement
from being more onerous and in mitigating the effects of Singer’s criminality.  





For the next decade, Clark oversaw every aspect of the
business while Singer basked in the role of resident genius. Edward was
concerned with appearances and got Singer to decorate the black machines with
gold ornament. He had the idea of selling machines to minister’s wives for half
price so that they would introduce them to their sewing circles. During the
recession in 1856, Edward pioneered the idea of an installment plan whereby for
five dollars down and three dollars a month, customers could reach ownership of
the machines. He also developed and expanded the European market to a degree
previously unprecedented in American Manufacturing.





Clark also became embroiled in the management of Singer’s
personal life. He and Mary Ann Sponselor, whom most took to be his wife, lived
opulently in a grand house on lower Fifth Avenue. But Singer now had an additional mistress, Mary
McGonigal with whom he had five more children! Singer lived with her as Mr. and
Mrs. Matthews in a separate house in New York. The sewing machine buying public
disdained Isaac Singer for his scandalous ways, and it was in the interest of
the company to clean up his reputation. It fell to Edward to negotiate Singer’s
divorce from his legal wife, Catherine Haley. Clark assumed that Singer would then
marry Sponselor, but he was too loyal to “Mrs. Matthews”. One day when Singer
was out with Mrs. Matthews, they accidentally came upon Mary Sponselor who
unleashed a public tirade for all to hear.





Singer responded by storming into the house on Fifth Avenue
and choking Sponselor, and one of their daughters who tried to intervene, into
an unconscious state. Before legal action took place Singer fled to England,
accompanied by Mary McGonigal’s nineteen year old sister Kate.





Again, Clark was concerned that women would not buy a
machine linked to adultery, wife beating, and illegitimate children. He
persuaded Singer to give up any active management of the firm and incorporated
Singer Manufacturing Company. Together they would still be equal owners with
20% of the stock sold to key employees. Singer agreed as long as Edward could
not be president while Singer was still alive. Edward, however, managed to retain
considerable influence as Chairman of the Board.





When Edward died in1882, he left an estate worth fifty
million dollars! Although he had three sons, only the youngest, Alfred, was
married, with four children—Edward Severin (nicknamed Rino), Robert Sterling
(whom the family called Robin), Frederick Ambrose, and Stephen Carlton. I’ll
skip over Alfred’s life, which may be worthy of Club Paper on its own.





Sterling Clark studied engineering at Yale, and then joined
the U.S. army Ninth Infantry Regiment. He fought in the Spanish American War
that captured the Philippines, and in China to help stifle the Boxer Rebellion
in 1901.





With that international background and no concerns about
having to make a living, he moved to Paris in 1910, at the age of thirty-three.
There, he bought a three-story house a short walk from the Arc de Triomphe. He
frequented the most famous art galleries in Paris, London, and New York City. Sterling
collected art the way he drank fine wine (Burgundy being his favorite) and ate
good food (he wrote his own cookbook)—with an appreciation for his own sense of
quality. He trusted his own artistic judgment—no one else could tell him what
was good or bad, what would rise or sink in value, or what might add balance to
his collection.





In 1919, now forty-two, he married Francine Clary, an
extremely pretty former actress in the Comedie Francaise. She already had an
illegitimate child when they met. Sterling regaled in doing the unexpected. This
was the sort of thing Isaac Singer might do—not a member of the Clark dynasty. His
three brothers, along with their wives, were appalled.





Then, in the early 1920’s tensions began mounting over the
children’s inheritance. The various Singer trusts were organized in such a way
that the benefits only accrued to the next generation via direct family
lineage. Sterling’s brothers Ambrose and Edward had no children while Stephen
had four. Thus when Sterling died his “share” would be given to Stephen’s
children. At a meeting of the brothers with their trust financial manager in
1923, Sterling and Stephen came to a physical altercation. This was the
beginning of a rift that would never heal. This feud became public when the New
York Times reported in 1927 that Sterling was suing the family trust, valued at
some eighty million dollars! Sterling lost. He never spoke to any of his
brothers again. His diary entries over the next twenty-five years persistently confirmed
the ongoing contempt he had, especially for Stephen and his wife, Susan.  





Meanwhile, Sterling had been planning for the ultimate
disposition of his collection. His initial idea focused on Cooperstown, N.Y.—the
site of the Clarks‘ summer family compound. But after World War II, he opted
for building a museum to rival the Frick in New York City. In 1945 he bought
three buildings on the corner of Park and Seventy-Second Street for that purpose.
However, five year later, he changed his mind, following a visit to
Williamstown. He bought one hundred acres of woods and field to build the
Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute. He felt the setting reminded him of
the paintings of Winslow Homer. He and Francine were convinced that a
“crossroads museum” would entice summer tourists who might never get to a big
city. They also chose the college town because it was far from an urban center
that might be a target for atomic bombs. The construction of the museum included
reinforced concrete designed to withstand an atomic explosion one-tenth of a
mile away. The three million dollar building was faced with marble—a tribute to
ancient Greek monuments. Sterling died from a stroke at age seventy-nine, just
one year after opening the museum. He left an estate that was worth eighty-four
million dollars (the equivalent of half a billion dollars today) which would
allow his collection to be seen free of charge.





Of course, we know that the Clark Art Institute is no longer
a single building, and, also, that it’s no longer free! It has become much more
than a small rural museum, as witnessed by last year’s Van Gogh exhibition, and
this year’s “Nudes from the Prada” presentation. Yet, I never fail to seek out
Sargent’s simple, refreshing image of children at the beach whenever I visit
the museum. Do any of you have an artwork that has so persistently spoken to
you?





Material for this essay is taken from:





John Sargent by
Evan Charteris, Charles Scribner’s and Sons, New York 1927





The Clarks of Cooperstown,
by Nicholas Fox Weber, Alfred A. Knopf, 2008





American Painting and
Sculpture at the Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute
, by Margaret
Conrads, Hudson Hills Press, Inc., 1990










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“John Singer Sargent’s Neapolitan Children Bathing”,
Sebastian Smee, The Boston Globe, June 2, 2015



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